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Showing posts with label GALLERIE FOTOGRAFICHE. Show all posts
Showing posts with label GALLERIE FOTOGRAFICHE. Show all posts

NO-TAV protesters in Rome use the pacific Murga to oppose the high velocity train project

Thursday, 19 February 2015

Born in the early twentieth century in Uruguay, the murga soon was overtaken in Argentina, especially in Buenos Aires, during carnival, to break with normality, subvert the rules. So as the slaves made fun of the bosses by wearing a tailcoat, the classic dress of lords,  so the murgueros chose  tails  as their "uniform", by reinventing it and colouring it. Then they added an hat and gloves, other symbols of wealth. It is today a form of street theater which combines music, song and dance. 

In Rome , about ten years ago, was founded the first Italian murga , called "Sin permiso". The murga is a peaceful criticism on society and politics.

 

The murga consists of a dance troupe, a band of percussionists and a group of singers who, by their actions and their words, criticize with sarcasm the politics and the society.  Nuclear energy, public water, even the Arab-Israeli conflict, all can be represented. The murgueros become the mouth for many social causes. A protest that takes place in a peaceful manner A typical motto is: “with bumblebee we will do more noise than with bombs.

As such is used also by protesters in Rome against the high velocity trains in Northern Italy, the so-called NO-TAV as seen in this gallery. This way protesters wish also to demonstrate their pacific opposition to the High Velocity Project that is usually opposed with very harsh fights.

 


 

 


 

© Marco Palladino – all rights reserved

 

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Shipbreaking Yards of Alang, Gujarat (India)

Wednesday, 4 June 2014

From chapter 2 of the book “Elegance and Dignity – Stories from India”


Alang is the largest ship recycling yard in the world, a kilometres-long expanse of sites where gigantic carcasses of ships are waiting to be disassembled by hand-workers, who recycle parts and components. Here are employed about 40000 workers, as much as a medium town. It’s a dirty, dangerous, exhausting and deadly job. They climb on these metal giants that stay torn apart and half-cut into the sea. They handle oxyhydrogen flames throughout the day, the air is unbreathable and saturated of combustion gasses, of oils, lubricants and acid fumes, the air is pungent, stinging, it burns the eyes and the nose. Here as elsewhere the workers are poor labourers coming from agricultural areas even poorer than here, like Bihar, Assam, Orissa, West Bengal or the neighbouring Pakistan, they flee from hunger, do not have any formal training to deal with toxic materials, are willing to make this life for the equivalent of a few euros per day. For this little money they are daily exposed to arsenic, lead, contaminated by asbestos, all of which under deafening noise. In the closer village people live by sheep farming and by a related industry (recovery and distribution of spare functioning pieces of the ships). It’s like stepping back 200 years when you exit the shipyards and visit the village. But even here the pollution is terribly high.

 

Scrap materials, however, are a big business and thanks to cheap Indian labourers a too little costly one, and these environmental risks are not taken into any account. India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, China and Turkey are the homes of the world’s shipbreaking facilities. Every year the shipping industry sends around 600 ships of all types to be dismantled on their beaches. Workers here are totally unqualified, having very little education and are thus easy to be exploited. Workers are being provided neither with the adequate training nor with the equipment to work in such a dangerous and toxic environment, although shipbreaking is considered by the International Labour Organisation as one of the heaviest and most hazardous occupations in the world. Their general living conditions after migrating to the yards are extremely bad. Every year thousands of workers are the victims of deadly accidents at the yards of India, Bangladesh and other shipbreaking countries. The working conditions are extremely bad and safety measures hardly exist. If the shipbreaking workers don’t die or get seriously injured because of an accident, they suffer a big risk of falling ill or dying from toxic waste-related diseases.

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The "Anti-Racist Mediterranean " a sporting event against racism

Sunday, 25 May 2014

The "Anti-Racist Mediterranean " is a sporting  artistic and cultural event, whose first edition was held in Palermo in June 2008. The goal of the event is the promotion of intercultural relations between the different components that live in the metropolitan city, trying to questioning dichotomies such center/periphery and inclusion/exclusion. In this historical  moment speaking about a different kind of Mediterranean is more important than ever: the riots and the desire for liberation that comes from the southern shores of the Mediterranean is presented to the public as a problem of refugees and illegal immigrants. The Western imperial barbarism, unable to read beyond its economic and commercial interests, has skillfully staged yet another bogey of a "barbarian invasion".

PROJECT 2014

The project "Mediterraneo Antirazzista 2014" will take place in the city of Naples (Scampia), Rome (Metropoliz), Genoa (S. Gottardo - Molassana) and Palermo.
The project aims to promote an intercultural vision of our society and to break the barriers of racism, hardship and degradation through sport and cultural production, intended as a vehicle of social comparison and socialization. The six previous editions have shown that the encounter and the interweaving of relationships, in fact, brings the opportunity to meet and overcome fears and prejudices, which in most cases give rise to the phenomena of social exclusion.
The seventh edition of the Mediterranean Antiracist will be divided into two parts: "Mediterraneo Antirazzista on the road" and "Mediterraneo Antirazzista 2014".

Images show the meeting and events in Rome c/o Metropoliz on 24th May 2014

For further infos: http://www.mediterraneoantirazzista.org

 


 

 

 


 

© 2014 Marco Palladino – all rights reserved

 

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The Slums of Mumbai. Urban Issues or Functional Networks?

Wednesday, 5 February 2014


   Here we present the synopsis from chapter 1 of the book “Elegance and Dignity – Stories from India”


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   The inequalities generated by our global economic system seem nowhere as visible as in the megacities of South Asia, Latin America, and Africa, where decades of foreign and domestic investment in real estate have produced globalized cityscapes in parts of the city, while others remain entrenched in supposedly pre-modern living conditions. This produces, almost by default, the vague category of the “slum”, which becomes self-referential to nearly everything that falls outside the ambit of the high-rise, modern city.

   Mumbai is the place where the greatest democracy of the world shapes its new myths of modernity and suffers with it the silent multitude of the miserable. It’s a modern and dynamic city, the largest and richest among the Indian cities, the city where half of the population does not have a house. In its typical image, the capital city is made of modern buildings that stand like islands of modernity in a dark sea of slums. There is a prevailing perception that apart from its southernmost colonial quarters, Mumbai is essentially a schizophrenic urbanscape where emergent islands of modernity are surrounded by an endless sea of informal shacks. This image of a city sharply divided between opulence and poverty is used across the political spectrum to justify redevelopment projects in the name of equality.

   The true Gateway of India is its impressive net of slums spread along the railway lines, or in the neighbourhood of Dharavi, the largest slum of all Asia, which is less than a mile from Bandra West, the most chic district of Bombay, where the stars of Bollywood live. The so-called slums come from a long history related to migration flows. The first economically and culturally marginalized caste groups migrated in the 1930s - from the southern regions of the country - to this unused, marshy, mosquito-infested territory adjoining a centuries-old fishing village.

 

   Shacks, huts, shelters, built with everything except the materials that are used for construction. Shelters that do not repair, which do not keep you warm or cool, which are useless apart from the illusion of a firm foothold on this sea of garbage. But they do respond to a precise history, that shaped the network. The habitats of Mumbai have traditionally been as diverse and heterogeneous as the city’s migratory flows. Coastal fishing villages, vernacular urban structures, grand colonial monuments, contemporary bungalows, working-class barrack-like enclaves, and modern apartment blocks have jostled for space on this tiny island through the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries. However, in spite of this diversity, Mumbai is usually reduced to three broad urban archetypes: the historical city, the slum, and the high-rise.

   In Mumbai, the high-rise building, that ubiquitous symbol of modernization and the ultimate architectural affirmation of middle-class status, is typically presented as the answer to the organically developing, unplanned, low-rise, hyperdense, and slum settlements that are said to house 60 percent of the city’s residents. The Dharavi Redevelopment Project (DRP) and the Slum Rehabilitation Scheme (SRS) projects, conducted by the government of Maharashtra, have for long pioneered the provision of housing to the poor by private developers. Only 35% of the slum dwellers seem to be eligible for the project and the government has not considered 35,000 families living on lofts and first floors. The scheme allows private developers to redevelop slum pockets with the consent of 70 percent of the “eligible slum dwellers” living in that pocket, in exchange for construction rights in more valuable parts of the city. Many faces of Bombay coexist without overlapping, from Dharavi slum up to the largest monument to modernity, a bridge of six kilometres (see above) that connects the richest parts of the city otherwise separated by the sea or the slums.   

   Above all a dusty, yellowish polluted wet air.

 

 

 
 
© 2013 text and photos by Marco Palladino all rights reserved
 
 
 
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Elegance and Dignity - Women workers from a poor village of India

Saturday, 11 January 2014
Here we present the synopsis from chapter 7 of the book “Elegance and Dignity – Stories from India”.

 
 
India is a land of extreme inequalities, with a new rich class who lives light years away from the poorest population, which is still a great silent majority. Sometimes they share the same physical space, but are connected within a logic of exploitation of labourers without any humanitarian attempt.
 
It is not uncommon that the same local government, which should protect the rights of the poor, it’s the one that exploits the people of poor villages or lower social classes for making jobs that are related to public services, otherwise too expensive, such as cleaning the streets or such as in the villages of Hawala, a few kilometers from the most sumptuous residences of Udaipur, these women, children and elderly, who do heavy work as a bricklayer.
 
These works are not only underpaid but also odd, or rather not guaranteed. If the State or a private enterprise, as in this case, has to build something, then they agree with the village’s chief and the community organizes itself. Women are equal to men when employed in heavy and strenuous labour, but they also have to accomplish all other matters such as child care and housing. Often these are young girls, who are already married at very early age.
 
Women and children of the pre-industrial villages are workers who have no qualifications or education, that means easier to be exploited and are poorly paid. Unlikely laws will ever stop this. India indeed has the world record for employment of minors.
 
According to estimates of the International Labour Organisation here concentrates the largest number of workers between the ages of 4 and 14 years old, about 44 millions according to their data, “only” 17 million, according to the Indian government.  In the villages, furthermore, the community survives in a limbo far away to modern society. They are organized in a collective manner and the work is done by all members, regardless of sex or age. They are often underpaid and strenuous work.
 
These buildings furthermore will ruin a beautiful and almost untouched natural corner a few kilometers from Udaipur, in an area around a lake that is a natural park. The logic of speculation first uses inhabitants of the areas that will soon be filled with concrete and then depletes them of the only richness that they have: the land.

 
 
© 2013 Marco Palladino – all rights reserved
 

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Aramaics - Remnant of Syrian Church Communities in East Anatolia

Thursday, 9 January 2014

Eastern Anatolia has always been the cradle of different ethnicities and religions. In search of the last Christians of Kurdistan, the Aramaic Christians of the Syrian church, after knocking on the doors of the few monasteries still in use in the town of Midyat, I came across quite by accident in a story unknown to the big history books. A story about a community of thousands of people who 50 years ago was brutally expelled from their lands, in the silence of the Turkish government. To get in contact with the Christian villages of Syrian culture was made possible thanks to two expatriates, respectively in Switzerland and Germany, who return each year in these lands, their land of origin, to bring basic supplies to the villages sited south of Midyat, at the border with Syria, in the heart of the mountains still partially controlled by the militias of the PKK.

A story apart is the small town of Kafro, the most important centre of the community, which unlike the smaller villages, where some survivor resisted living inside homes destroyed decades ago (see photos of the elderly), Kafro was completely abandoned over 50 years ago as a result of the assault of the Arabic-speaking and Muslim peoples. Today the village is becoming an experiment of home-return by some of the many migrants who, unlike my companions, came back permanently.

 

In the pictures you can see the streets of the new city, the mayor and the guests visiting the modern church just rebuilt over the ruins of the one that was destroyed 50 years ago. The main church has remained in ruins (the interior is completely devastated, neither altar nor the paintings survived) On top of the mountain considered as the "Second Jerusalem by the Syrians," there is a beautiful monastery, Mor Malke, where currently only two monks reside. There are some visiting young learners. The senior priest refuses to be photographed but he tells me in detail the story of the struggle, that of the decades of abandonment after the invasion of the Islamic people, as their faith has allowed the monastery to remain almost intact. He talks about long periods of self-sufficiency thanks to the cultivated vegetable and water sources, in a very arid region where once agriculture and commerce towards Syria flourished. This was once a crossroads of peoples and rich valley. The monastery itself housed hundreds of pilgrims, today those visiting are to be counted on the palm of a hand. Photos show the meeting between the priest and the two migrants. Then, moments of the sacred ritual, where now only few people from neighbouring villages participate, a ritual made of songs and movements that recall the early Church, all people facing the altar, the priests and the common people, nobody officiating. It is not allowed to participate as external.


 


 

© 2015 Marco Palladino – all rights reserved

 

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Tribal villages of Kutch in Gujarat, minorities at risk

Wednesday, 25 December 2013

Every year, on the borders of the great White Desert in the northern Khutch, in Gujarat, a gigantic ethnic festival is organized. It attracts hundreds of thousands of Indian tourists. The large region of Kutch is the home for several ethnic minorities and its tribal villages are renowned for the handicrafts made of the most beautiful and varied metals, jewellery, textiles and pottery. However, the situation in which people live in many villages is of extreme poverty.

The tradition is exploited to motivate tourism which actually does not bring any benefit to the local population if not through intermediaries. In some villages, such as Khavda, the producers are able to export their wares all over India at a fair price, but the situation is very different in others.  A significant example is one village that is very close to the most visited hot-spot, a lookout over the white desert where groups of Indian tourists and school classes arrive by bus and never stop in the villages below. Here, however, is where low-cost goods are manufactured, then sold in tourist areas up to five times the cost.

It is clear however what is the current aim for development: tourism. Numbers are exponentially growing, hand by hand with the growth of well-being, and statistics aside the amount of tourists not only at the sites of the desert, even for recreational activities that are organized on the reservoirs, is visible.

 

It is a domestic tourism, but coming from the rest of India.  All the benefits declared by the central government remain to be seen, what you see are conditions of a widespread poverty. Despite the industrial wealth of the State, the living standards of the poor are very low.

These villages can be considered relatively lucky, although there are important mineral resources (excluding gas reserves, in the salt desert there are lignite, bauxite and gypsum, in particular) the government has not subcontracted land use to any multinational companies nor started any campaign of displacement. Not likely for the time being, as in other parts of India, where people are removed or harshly repressed. Many statements about development projects are done in Gujarat, in line with the model of the large dams. There are ninety-seven small rivers in the district of Kutch. Twenty large dams and several smaller dams retain water in the rainy season runoff. While most of these dams do not affect, since being on rivers that flow directly into the Arabian Sea, in others the storage of water during the rainy season, and its use for irrigation, has significantly reduced the flow of available fresh water. A mainly pastoral society does not receive great benefits from projects designed for the agriculture and the tourism, even more so if we consider the enormous costs. And the needed resources are huge.

 


 

 


 

© 2013 Marco Palladino – all rights reserved

 

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Tor Bella Monaca. Urban Degradation and Social Issues. Report from an inconvenient suburb of Rome

Monday, 23 December 2013
Report from one of the municipalities with the highest demand for social services in the capital

 
 
The neighborhood of Tor Bella Monaca shows in a very large part most of the issues that afflict large segments of the population living in the suburbs of the capital of Italy. It 's a district with a unique history and specific problems, it was already born with a destiny of ghetto to house many poor families from different backgrounds and social exclusions (including many ex-prisoners) who can not afford an home and need to access the social housing.
 
Along with other areas of the Eighth Municipality of Rome this suburban district attracts a huge demand for social services, services which are in charge of the public administrations and of social enterprises who have contracted such a delicate task. The neighborhood has seen a lot of alarming situations and has gone into the headlines for many episodes of degradation and mismanagement, but it is a place that despite its problematic nature hides many valuable initiatives that are completely self-managed by the people, with the aim to culturally and socially re-evaluate this territory in which they live, and is often made, indeed almost always, in the absence of public institutions.
 
This is true in part. The Theatre of Tor Bella Monaca and other social services were possible thanks to local authorities. Government in such social frontiers like this suburb, is the only intermediate between people and municipal or national governments and oscillates between a role of single resource of vital services to citizens and at the same time acting as a serious obstacle to the full realization of important associative or private initiatives.
 
This ambiguity too often happens in this country, where the public affairs seem to be managed in an almost feudal manner.
 
Corruption is a major concern of Italy, which now lies in international rankings in positions like those of Uganda, over or around the 70th. The case of the Eighth Municipality is truly exemplary for this national moment.
 
 
 
Local administration in a very non-transparent series of acts has reallocated the already limited resources for basic social services such as those for the disabled people or the not self-sufficient elders, whether are these provided in the form of home or school care whether are provided in special structures that offer a more active assistance (day care centres).
 
Public money is very little today but what surprises is that in times of deep crisis such as these, in this country a very unclean use of public money still can so negatively affects basic services and skilled jobs, and local administrations do not even bother to deal with the public stakeholders. In times like these, transparency should be the top priority of any political class.
 
Obviously there is little wonder, that's still the way it is run most of the country. In places such as the Eighth Municipality of Rome - which is so starved of vital services - corruption or the simple inability to manage public money by the political class are responsible not only for paralyzing the economy but also to bring down the welfare of entire families. Families with elderly disabled children, to whom also a minimum of welfare is subtracted.
 
In the stories we present here, there is also the struggle initiated by users of a cooperative enterprise in the social area, mostly elderly, disabled or in need of vital assistance. The protest is due to the sudden shift of funds for day-care centres and other services to the person, that risk to close within a few months.
 
Several requests to meet with politicians have never been answered, thus forcing the people to occupy the municipality to get a response from the institutions. The last occupation took place on 22 October, in fact there was a risk that within a month all funds were suspended.
 
In the gallery we also present some portraits of the elderly, disabled or not, in the day-care centre, where they join various recreational and training activities, which allow them a continuous social interaction and cultural stimulus what in the solitude of the home-care they could not experience.
 
 
 

 

©2012 text and photos by Marco Palladino – all rights reserved

 


 
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Udaipur, Rajasthan, city of arts and beauty

Saturday, 21 December 2013

Udaipur is a unique city. Located in the heart of Rajasthan, it is one of the three capitals of arts in the Indian State but also a crossroad leading to the neighbouring state of Gujarat. Its university welcomes many students from different parts of India. Economic development driven by tourism has made it home to various visual arts, with many renowned artists and photographers today even quoted in the entire country. It is also favoured by the proximity with both Delhi and Mumbai.

It is not only a tourist destination, it’s also a place chosen by the growing rich elite living in the modern and luxurious villas on the outskirts of the city. The historic centre, in the old quarter, still maintains the traditional connotations and characteristics. Several painters have painted the walls with images inspired by the traditional emblems, figures of elephants and Rajahs, and even today this tradition is kept alive by many artisans.

Udaipur homes a flourishing craft, not only paintings but also refined manufacturing of all types of metals. Walking through the narrow streets in the morning is a unique acoustic experience, the rhythm of the hammers that forge fabricated metals comes to the ears as a background music.

Just beyond the lake and canals that have given this city the abused epithet of Indian Venice, the countryside starts, set by peaks and crags, where life takes place in a whole different rhythm.

 


 

 


 

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The White Desert of Kutch in Gujarat, tourism and natural resources

Friday, 20 December 2013

Every year, on the borders of the great White Desert in the northern Khutch, in Gujarat, a gigantic ethnic festival is organized. It attracts hundreds of thousands of Indian tourists. The large region of Kutch is the home for several ethnic minorities and its tribal villages are renowned for the handicrafts made of the most beautiful and varied metals, jewellery, textiles and pottery. However, the situation in many villages is of extreme poverty. Tradition is exploited in order to motivate tourism which actually does not bring any benefit to the local population if not through intermediaries. In some villages, such as Khavda, the producers are able to export their products all over India at a fair price, but the situation is very different in others. The big White Desert. This inhospitable salty lowland, rich in natural gas, was one scene of perennial border disputes between India and Pakistan that, in April 1965, contributed to the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The Little Rann of Kutch is known for its traditional salt production and various references mention this to be a 600-year-old activity.

 

During the British period, this activity increased. It was used to fund a substantial part of the military expenses of the British government. Communities involved in salt production are mainly Chunvaliya Koli, Ahir and Miyana (Muslim), residing in 107 villages in the periphery of Lesser Rann of Kutch. These communities are traditionally known to have the skills of salt production and are known as ‘Agariyas’. Water quality in 107 villages of Lesser Rann of Kutch is saline, thus agriculture is not an option. Hence, salt production is the only livelihood option for Agariyas.Today there are 45000 Agariyas working in the salt pans of Kutch. The traditional extraction techniques, as well as those for mining, date back to a time before the industrial age. They do not devastate the environment, are limited to the needs of the local population. When taken over by a company that must export all over the world, in addition to the destructive techniques, the extraction intensifies up to the collapse.

 


 

 


 

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Fishing at Casino – Traditional Fishery conflicts with Casino Boats in Goa

Tuesday, 17 December 2013

The project of "off-shore casinos" supported by the state government is the cause of serious conflicts with the traditional fishermen and a threat to their livelihood.

The concept of a floating casino - a first for India - was introduced in Goa about 10 years ago and has caused more than a few discontent also in the important Catholic community. Since years, Goa is inflamed by the protests of the local fishermen, from the villages of Assolna, Velim, Ambelim, Betul and Cavelossim in South Goa, protesting "only" to protect their livelihoods.

Works to dredge the river undertaken by the State Government intended to facilitate the five-star hotels to anchor their huge boat casinos on the river Sal. They are gigantic boats that could not stay in the bay. The conflict is unequal, the casinos pay hundreds of thousands of dollars to the state, while fishermen, well, they are simply considered an issue.

Dredging means that they lose much of crustaceans and molluscs and thousands of local fishermen lose their daily sustenance. It's already happened and will continue to happen.

About 500 fishermen and about 5,000 workers dependent on fisheries survive on the fishery resources of the river Sal. A group of traditional fishermen consortium was set up about 10 years ago, when the state government decided to start to dredge the Sal river.

 

Over the years the dredging has never really stopped despite interruptions due to the protests. Opponents in fact organized (and still organize ) meetings in the affected villages and put pressure on the government to completely abandon the plans.

In Goa, as well as having introduced the casino offshore, they also have a legislation that supports the opening of casinos in five-star hotels. At first only five offshore casinos were authorized by the government, including the Caravela, the first of its kind in the country. Caravela was the first offshore casino to become operational around ten years ago.

Of the five companies, to which at the beginning was given license to set up casinos in Goa, three kept waiting for the waters to calm down. Today "by sight" there are at least 7-8 gigantic boats visible from the promenade of Panjim, in Goa they are about 20 in all the bay. New casinos are in the process of opening (see photos).

The tourism in recent years has changed a lot in Goa, which attracts more and more foreign moneyed tourists (many Russians ) who come here especially for the casinos. Meanwhile, the two realities coexist "peacefully", while new dredging works are continuously started.

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Indian Portraits. From Stories recorded in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Karnataka. Preview

Monday, 29 July 2013

In January and February of 2013 I made a long journey to India in search of stories through which to tell a much visited country under a new light and in my opinion a more true one. It was the period of the Maha Kumbh Mela and I started with the desire to go to this huge religious festival, like my colleagues, to capture one of the most beautiful mass rituals of the modern age. The fate instead led me elsewhere.

 

I discovered the Gujarat, very little kwown by tourists and I was able to photograph an India that is very different from that illustrated on the postcards. At short a book will be published (both English and Italian) containing eight reportages and various littler stories. After that I’ll publish the photos. But here's a preview that collects portraits, excerpts from stories that will be illustrated in the book. Good vision.


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A religious business journey – new businessmen in India

Friday, 26 July 2013

This is the visual chronicle of a trip with a young entrepreneur of Gujarat, a self-made man, who is building a real industrial fortune from scratch. Sharing rooms in filthy guesthouses, that are a common routine for a young Indian businessman on the rise, his jeep bought two months before but still having the plastic on the seats, his and his gold Rolex to be shown and a smartphone always attached to the ear, to direct his enterprise while going from the southern ports to the yards where his warehouse was, at Jamnagar. He is a young man of 24 years already having a family to grow, a man who lives inside his jeep (often sleeps there), perhaps a prisoner of his own quest for success. He is part of the largest business of recycling industry, but of course he is at the top, or tries to get there.

The young entrepreneur and his fortune are the other side of the huge industrial development of Gujarat, he is the face of the success in this incredible industrial evolution that the leading state of India is experiencing, where any engineer I met is employed in some sector related to the steel production.  In the middle of the trip we stopped in a Ashram where the local community celebrated a feast to honour an orange deity that according to the local myths unexpectedly rose from the earth years ago in the shape of an anthropomorphic rock. Here a holy man with a shrewd face built his sanctuary.

 

Before going on the next day we even stopped by an astrologer. An intellectual, small man with a clever, charming smile. He predicted the future to the entrepreneur and to his travelling companion, who had been introduced to me as a colleague but I understood soon to be a subordinate. Then he started to read my hands too, after consultation of an aged yellow paper full of symbols that I could not decrypt, and predicted for me a future as a man involved in politics. A thing that is just absurd.

The spiritual dimension of Indian people is represented by this little story. Gurus and spiritual guides are just the top of the iceberg, what they protect and often exploit is a spiritual connection shared by all, even by businessmen. Call it superstition if you want, but certain religiosity (‘connectivity’, in the etymological sense of the word religion) crosses all social classes in one way or another, it is in fact a connection of meanings. Through religion and its patterns in a way India absorbs and mitigates the assaults of materialism yet, in others aspects it also metabolizes and defuses the issues related to social classes, in order to justify the exploitation of man by man and to keep the status quo. Indian religions appear fascinating and disturbing at the same time. Civil rights, or the western humanitarism, here have little sense, but it is certainly not lacking in this country a strong trade union and a political movements clearly inspired by Marxism. Religion is, however, transversal and mutual.

 


 

 


 

© 2014 Marco Palladino – all rights reserved

 

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asia, asian, civilization, cultural, east, hindi, hindu, hinduism, historic, historical, human, india, indian, religion, traditional, travel, tribal, tribe, village, villager, architecture, bay, blue, boat, bridge, business, cargo, commerce, commercial, container, craft, crane, dock, export, freight, harbor, harbour, heavy, import, industrial, industry, international, loading, logistics, machine, maritime, nautical, night, ocean, oil, pier, port, quay, red, sea, seaport, ship, shipment, shipping, sky, steel, sun, sunset, tanker, terminal, trade, transport, transportation, vector, vessel, warehouse, water

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Students’ Photo – A monthly pick among the photos sent by my students for critique

Monday, 22 July 2013

Every month or so I choose the best photo posted on the Facebook page that is dedicated to the students of the courses I held for Fotobiettivo. The selection is open to other amateur photographers who attend the group.
The photos come from a contest ina a specific topic. The winning photo is chosen by myself with advices by other photographers and various factors are take into account, such as the author's personal research, the semantic consistency, the visual suggestions. The photo may not be technically perfect, the selection is for those who are learning and the contest is seen as an opportunity to improve.

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Wedding Photography – Samples of my style.

Sunday, 23 June 2013

Samples from the last weddings I worked.
For receiving information please email me at marcopalladino@scuolafotografia.net or call (+39) 320 8937525

Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-34
Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-7Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-25Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-44
Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-55Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-69Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-63
Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-73Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-80Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-89
Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-101Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-157Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-95
Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-116Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-121Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-161
Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-143Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-148Matrimonio di Giovanni e Laura-71

EX7B0462
EX7B0019EX7B9973EX7B0027EX7B0047
EX7B0350EX7B0340EX7B0414
EX7B0440EX7B0437EX7B0454EX7B1039
EX7B0524EX7B0861EX7B1692
(slideshow with music ... ACTIVATE HD see LOW / DX)

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